![]() | 'Major wants to campaign against the whole idea of the Scottish people having more say over their own affairs. It's as things are, or full independence, he claims. Very dangerous. The experience of the past 18 years has so seared my soul that if forced to choose, it wouldn't be the status quo, and I ain't the only one, that's for sure.' Jimmy Reid's answer to the Lorrainne Mann Question in the Electronic Herald, May 16 1996. | ![]() |
Early 1998, the Labour party start moving for a devolved Scottish Assembly, they face opposition from the Tories who suggest a non-tax raising assembly like the one already established in Northern Ireland. Labour back-benchers also attack the proposals on various grounds, "Why should Scotland be treated differently?", "Scotland will be over-represented", "Labour didn't get a majority vote in Scotland, so can constitutional change be justified without a referendum?".
The English Lib-Dems join the anti-devolution camp over the proposed form of PR, and the lack of PR in Westminster elections.
The government narrowly avoids another referendum debacle by compromising on a non-tax raising Scottish Assembly, with the promise of tax-raising powers later if we all behave.
Support for the SNP increases but a large percentage SNP vote in the 1999 European elections does not set alarm bells ringing in Westminster.
The Scottish assembly seems to be quite popular although both SNP and Scottish Lib-Dems bemoan the lack of tax-raising ability. The English Westminster Lib-Dems have a disasterous showing in 1999 as they are seen as lap-dogs of he government rather than an alternative opposition. There is increased friction between the anti-Tory Lib-Dem MSPs and the increasingly Tory-sympathetic Westminster Lib-Dem MPs.
The SNP are active in the "Campaign for a Real Parliament" (CARP) as are the Scottish Lib-Dems and many previously involved in the pre-Labour Constitutional Convention. Previously strong supporters of a real Scottish Parliament in the Labour party are strangely absent from this forum.
The SNP and the Scottish Liberal democrats agree not to contest the same seats in the elections to the Scottish assembly, the result is a rout for the Labour party the SNP and Scottish Lib-Dem party take control of the assembly.
The Lib-Dems hold back from demanding tax-raising powers under pressure from their Westminster counterparts who are trying to create their own identity and avoid being seen as a Scottish dominated party south of the border.
Increased friction between the SNP/LibDem Scottish assembly and the crippled Labour government boosts the Tory prospects in middle England. The rump English Lib-Dem party finally jumps on the anti-assembly bandwagon and splits from the Scottish party.
The Scottish Lib-Dems now actively support the SNP's call for a referendum on tax-raising powers. The result is overwhelmingly in favour, the Scottish assembly threatens to recall the parliament of 1707.
The Labour government is now regarded by contempt in England and Scotland. In Scotland Westminster is seen as the problem, in England the Scottish parliament is seen as the problem.
Bitterness spills over into the media as Scots boycott overtly anti-Scottish papers and TV stations. Newspapers and TV stations become more polarised into Scottish and English camps.
A broad-based "Save our Parliament" campaign is set up with support from SNP, Scottish Lib-Dem, Labour mavericks, the media, churches etc. The aim is for international recognition of Scotland's right to self-determination.
The Tories win at the general election but refuse to accept the concept of a Scottish parliament within the UK, they support a referendum on independence for Scotland. They see this as consolidating their hold in England and getting rid of the thorn that proved to be the downfall of Labour.
After the "Save our Parliament" campaign, the Scottish electorate have little choice but to vote for independence or see their beloved parliament disappear.
Jim Jackson 18/7/95
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